Covid-19 rips through West Virginia women’s prison as federal agency takes heat

Covid-19 rips through West Virginia women’s prison as federal agency takes heat

three women died in January, revealing cracks in the agencies pandemic response

By LJ Dawson
By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

Rory Adams did not know that Christmas in a small rural hospital in West Virginia would be the last time he saw his wife alive. She’d entered prison in early January 2021 to serve a 42-month sentence for failure to collect payroll taxes. She was supposed to return to North Carolina, their two adult children, and their quilting business this summer.

 

But when he saw her, she was heavily sedated. A ventilator was helping her breathe as she struggled with covid-19. Rebecca “Maria” Adams, 59, died 18 days after Christmas in the same hospital bed.

The pandemic has proved especially deadly behind bars. Inmates are more than twice as likely to die of covid as the general population. And the deaths continue to pile up.

 

Adams was the second of three women incarcerated at Alderson Federal Prison Camp to die of covid in less than a week in January. The prison that holds fewer than 700 inmates had 50 cases as of Feb. 8. When U.S. case numbers surged in December because of the omicron variant, an understaffed and still underprepared federal prison system was once again swamped by covid cases.

 

The deaths of these three women imprisoned in West Virginia reflect a federal prison system plagued by chronic problems exacerbated by the pandemic, including understaffing, inadequate medical care, and few compassionate releases. The most recent statistics from the Federal Bureau of Prisons report 284 inmates and seven staff members have died nationwide because of covid since March 28, 2020. Medical and legal experts say those numbers are likely an undercount, but the federal prison system lacks independent oversight.

Alderson, where Adams was incarcerated, was one of the first federal prisons to have a covid outbreak in December in this latest national surge. But as of the first week of February, 16 federal facilities had over 100 cases. More than 5,500 federal inmates and over 2,000 BOP staffers had tested positive for covid, according to BOP data. At one prison in Yazoo City, Mississippi, over 500 inmates — almost half the prison — tested positive in late January. Including the three women from Alderson, 12 federal inmates died while sick with covid in January.

 

The Bureau of Prisons has come under fire in the past few months after investigations by The Associated Press and The Marshall Project alleged widespread corruption and called the agency a “hotbed of abuse.” In January, before all three Alderson inmates died, the head of the BOP, Michael Carvajal, announced his resignation, although he remains in charge until a successor takes the helm.

 

The criticism of the agency continued in congressional testimony in January after the deaths at Alderson. Legal and medical experts specializing in the federal system, as well as members of Congress, accused the BOP of hiding covid deaths and cases, repeatedly failing to provide adequate health care, and failing to properly implement the compassionate release program meant to move at-risk inmates to home confinement. Five recently released inmates, two incarcerated inmates, and six family members of women incarcerated at Alderson, confirmed these allegations to KHN.

 

The Alderson inmates and their families reported denial of medical care, a lack of covid testing, retaliation for speaking out about conditions, understaffing, and a prison overrun by covid. Absences by prison staff members sickened by the virus led to cold meals, dirty clothes, and a denial of items like sanitary napkins and clean water from the commissary.

In an email, BOP spokesperson Benjamin O’Cone said the agency does not comment on what he called “anecdotal allegations.” He said the BOP follows covid guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

 

O’Cone pointed to the BOP’s online dashboard about covid statistics when asked how many inmates have died since Dec. 1 and how many had tested positive for covid before death. A day after KHN emailed the BOP about the deaths of the three inmates from Alderson, two appeared on the dashboard and news releases were published. The women had been dead for almost a week.

All three women — Adams, Juanita Haynes, and Bree Eberbaugh — had sought compassionate releases because of preexisting medical conditions that made them more susceptible to dying from covid, including Type 2 diabetes, hypertension, congestive heart failure, obesity, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.

 

Nationwide, over 23,000 people were released from the federal system from March 2020 to October 2021, but more than 157,000 people are still imprisoned. After early pandemic releases, the prison population in the U.S. is climbing back to pre-pandemic levels. Some of the early drop was due to inmate deaths, which rose 46% from 2019 to 2020, according to the most recent data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics.

For people like Adams, compassionate release never came. The BOP reports that only two women have been granted compassionate release from Alderson since the outbreak began in December. One was Haynes, who was granted release while intubated. She died four days later, in the hospital.

Maria Adams credit: Adams family

“They will literally be released so they don’t die in chains,” Alison Guernsey, clinical associate professor of law at the University of Iowa, said in congressional testimony in January. She called BOP facilities “death traps,” referring to the BOP’s “inability or reticence to control the spread of covid-19 behind bars by engaging in aggressive evidence-based public-health measures.”

 

Guernsey testified that the BOP death data is “suspect” because of delayed reporting, the exclusion of deaths in prisons run by private contractors, and those released just in time to “die free.” Haynes’ death, for example, is not counted in BOP data even though she got sick with covid while incarcerated because she was freed through compassionate release right before she died in January, months after her first applications were denied.

 

Guernsey questions the BOP’s covid infection numbers because the agency does not report the number of tests administered, just the number of positive tests. “The BOP can hide whether low infection rate is due to low covid cases or inadequate testing,” she said. All these factors mean the numbers of deaths and cases are likely “substantially” greater than reported, Guernsey said.

The impact of incorrect data trickles down to the denial of compassionate release requests. One factor that judges consider is the level of covid cases and risk within that prison. Eberbaugh, the third inmate from Alderson to die in January, applied in March 2020 for compassionate release from her 54-month sentence, citing preexisting medical conditions.

 

 

In August 2020, a court denied Eberbaugh’s motion, in part citing the lack of covid cases in the prison. A few days later, she responded in a handwritten letter, appealing for legal counsel from the public defender’s office. “Your honor, it is only a matter of time before it reaches here and I am in fear of my life,” she wrote.

The court denied that appeal in April 2021. Within nine months, she had died of covid.

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My car got robbed, I didn’t call the police​

My car got robbed, I didn’t call the police​

rethinking justice and taking responsibility for our communities health and wellbeing as a whole

By LJ Dawson
By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

I discovered my truck, back windows popped out and broken into a thousand pea sized glass pieces, late the night following Christmas on a one way in downtown DC.

 

It seemed inevitable, part of the price to pay for living in the city. Car break ins are common enough in DC. Drive around the right block, on a particular early morning, and piles of broken window glass will scatter about the road like rain puddles.

 

 

The crime statistics say that only one car burglary has been reported on that side of the block in the last two years. In the last year, crime stats for the city report only 492 thefts from cars. I’ve seen at least a dozen break-ins on that street in the last six months. People in my neighborhood know that spot is ripe for break-ins and avoid it.

 

 

This means DC is either failing to log these nonviolent crimes or the owners of these robbed cars made the same decision I did and did not call the police or file a police report.

 

 

A lot was stolen from my car, a huge box of Goodwill clothes, a very old and broken bike, bear spray and a six year old Bluetooth speaker. All in all, the person who wormed through my back cab pickup windows and tossed my car didn’t make away with anything of significant value.

 

 

I on the other hand am footing the bill of fixing multiple windows and replacing the few items I used – totaling close to $800. I didn’t call the police because I knew they’d be incapable of delivering justice or righting the situation.

 

 

For one, we know that police departments are understaffed and over worked right now, so a call or report would have likely been lost in the shuffle. But even if they’d pursued an investigation the likely hood of solving the case was low. AND even if they found the person who robbed my truck, they would have been thrown in jail and entered the court system, costing me and other tax payers more money.

 

 

I doubt the person who took old clothes, a broken bike and picked the most beat up car on the block to rob was swimming in a ton of money.

 

The current legal system does not offer me what I needed or wanted in this situation: enough money to fix my car from the person that broke it. I don’t even have grand aspirations of an apology.

The current legal system does not offer me what I needed or wanted in this situation: enough money to fix my car from the person that broke it. I don’t even have grand aspirations of an apology.
 
When I think more deeply about who robbed my truck, I think about gentrification and the violence of “progress” in predominantly Black cities like DC as prices soar and original Black communities are replaced by elites of all races, but mostly white people.

 

What is my price to pay for the impact of me living as a white women in a Black city as an outsider? In some ways, did I owe whoever was hard enough up on money to rob my truck? What does social accountability look like for me?

 

As we embark on a new year of 2022, I encourage all of us to consider what justice means to us. Is it punishment or accountability? Is it an emotional vindictive crusade for our ego or a journey to actually morally right a wrong? How are those two different?

 

I encourage all of us to look at what conditions and pressures make fertile ground for crime and how all of us as a society are responsible for giving birth to those situations. Crime is often looked at as an individual’s responsibility. But what if we addressed it as a community problem we all share responsibility in solving?

Resisting oversight

Prison laborers at Alabama’s Parchman in 1911.

Resisting oversight

AL refuses to work with the DOJ after it finds ‘pervasive’ inmate beatings by guards violate constitutional rights

By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

On July 23, the Department of Justice released a second damning report of civil rights violations in Alabama prisons by correctional guards on inmates. This report comes more than a year after the DOJ released a 2019 report which found violence in AL prisons was ‘Common, Cruel, Pervasive’ even separate of guard abuse.

The most recent report focuses specifically on guard on inmate abuse where the first focused on how AL prison conditions created violence between inmates. The DOJ found pervasive use of excessive force in 12 of 13 prisons – which makes you wonder what AL was doing right in the 13th. “We have reasonable cause to believe that the uses of excessive force occurring within Alabama’s prisons give rise to systemic unconstitutional conditions,” the DOJ reported.

But, the same overcrowding – 6,000 inmates over capacity at the start of the 2020 – that creates violence between inmates also causes guards to use excessive force, according to the report.

The DOJ released what is called a “notice letter”. It is not legally binding, but it lays out the findings in an effort to bring the state or department of corrections in this case, to the table to figure out a way to fix the problem.

But AL isn’t super in to fixing the problem, or it doesn’t seem to be.

The DOJ doesn’t immediately sue states or DOC’s it finds to be violating citizens constitutional rights. So for over the last year, the ADOC and the DOJ have not come to a CONSENT decree – these agreements were used in places like Ferguson and many other cities with police brutality issues to legally FORCE departments to get in line. A year of debating an agreement seems like a longtime, and the only proposed solution in AL has been to build more prisons to reduce overcrowding.

The state has refused to enter into a consent decree to the puzzlement of many, but they may be counting on a change in procedure.

Jeff Sessions severely limited the use of these legally binding consent decrees on his last day in the Trump administration in 2018.

And guess what? In response to the July DOJ report, AL’s attorney general responded with surprise, though he has known of this investigation, and directly referenced Sessions.

“I have made it absolutely clear from the beginning that the State will not, under any circumstances, enter into a consent decree with the federal government to avoid a lawsuit. […] Attorney General Jeff Sessions addressed the use of civil consent decrees in a DOJ memorandum, acknowledging the sovereignty of state governments and urging special caution before using this bludgeon to settle litigation against the states,” the AG wrote, continuing to call the DOJ a “hall monitor” for wanting to supervise the prison reform.

The AG made it clear in his press release that the state will never enter a consent decree. “In short, a consent decree is unacceptable and nonnegotiable,” the AG said.

SO, that leaves us at the only outcome possible: the DOJ will take them to court where a judge could rule to force AL to follow the DOJ’s suggestions anyways.

And in this case, the evidence against the ADOC is, well, overwhelming. Two inmates in 2019 were bludgeoned to death by guards after already being subdued, there are reports of already restrained inmates being beaten for retaliation and little investigative effort by the ADOC into these violent beatings.

But a lawsuit to force the ADOC to follow their constitutional obligations to state citizens takes longer, which means thousands of men are struggling to survive in some of the deadliest prisons in America.

There’s a lot to unpack in this report: flip to p.10 for the evidence. News story here.

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Resisting oversight

Prison laborers at Alabama’s Parchman in 1911.

Resisting oversight

AL refuses to work with the DOJ after it finds ‘pervasive’ inmate beatings by guards violate constitutional rights

By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

On July 23, the Department of Justice released a second damning report of civil rights violations in Alabama prisons by correctional guards on inmates. This report comes more than a year after the DOJ released a 2019 report which found violence in AL prisons was ‘Common, Cruel, Pervasive’ even separate of guard abuse.

The most recent report focuses specifically on guard on inmate abuse where the first focused on how AL prison conditions created violence between inmates. The DOJ found pervasive use of excessive force in 12 of 13 prisons – which makes you wonder what AL was doing right in the 13th. “We have reasonable cause to believe that the uses of excessive force occurring within Alabama’s prisons give rise to systemic unconstitutional conditions,” the DOJ reported.

But, the same overcrowding – 6,000 inmates over capacity at the start of the 2020 – that creates violence between inmates also causes guards to use excessive force, according to the report.

The DOJ released what is called a “notice letter”. It is not legally binding, but it lays out the findings in an effort to bring the state or department of corrections in this case, to the table to figure out a way to fix the problem.

But AL isn’t super in to fixing the problem, or it doesn’t seem to be.

The DOJ doesn’t immediately sue states or DOC’s it finds to be violating citizens constitutional rights. So for over the last year, the ADOC and the DOJ have not come to a CONSENT decree – these agreements were used in places like Ferguson and many other cities with police brutality issues to legally FORCE departments to get in line. A year of debating an agreement seems like a longtime, and the only proposed solution in AL has been to build more prisons to reduce overcrowding.

The state has refused to enter into a consent decree to the puzzlement of many, but they may be counting on a change in procedure.

Jeff Sessions severely limited the use of these legally binding consent decrees on his last day in the Trump administration in 2018.

And guess what? In response to the July DOJ report, AL’s attorney general responded with surprise, though he has known of this investigation, and directly referenced Sessions.

“I have made it absolutely clear from the beginning that the State will not, under any circumstances, enter into a consent decree with the federal government to avoid a lawsuit. […] Attorney General Jeff Sessions addressed the use of civil consent decrees in a DOJ memorandum, acknowledging the sovereignty of state governments and urging special caution before using this bludgeon to settle litigation against the states,” the AG wrote, continuing to call the DOJ a “hall monitor” for wanting to supervise the prison reform.

The AG made it clear in his press release that the state will never enter a consent decree. “In short, a consent decree is unacceptable and nonnegotiable,” the AG said.

SO, that leaves us at the only outcome possible: the DOJ will take them to court where a judge could rule to force AL to follow the DOJ’s suggestions anyways.

And in this case, the evidence against the ADOC is, well, overwhelming. Two inmates in 2019 were bludgeoned to death by guards after already being subdued, there are reports of already restrained inmates being beaten for retaliation and little investigative effort by the ADOC into these violent beatings.

But a lawsuit to force the ADOC to follow their constitutional obligations to state citizens takes longer, which means thousands of men are struggling to survive in some of the deadliest prisons in America.

There’s a lot to unpack in this report: flip to p.10 for the evidence. News story here.

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The number of women behind bars continues to rise in U.S.

Just because prison overpopulation is usually discussed in regards to males, America also has a glaring problem of over incarcerating mothers, sisters, aunts, cousins and grandmas. There are currently 108,000 women in prison in the United States — accounting for nearly 30% of the world’s incarcerated females.

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Police wearing body worn cameras doesn’t actually make civilians safer

The Colorado Springs Police Department logs an average of 1,000 videos a day from officers’ body worn cameras, totaling over 1.1 million videos and 250 terabytes of storage since adopting the technology in 2016.

Police wearing body worn cameras doesn’t actually make civilians safer

After an early study showed positive BWC outcomes, a rush to outfit law enforcement has yet to clearly reduce use of force on civilians

By LJ Dawson
By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

As pressure on law enforcement agencies for accountability and transparency continues to rise, body worn cameras have been a popular reform across the country. Colorado’s own landmark police reform bill passed in summer 2020 includes new requirements statewide for the technology’s use. But research shows that the cameras are not a sure method for reducing use of force by officers and increasing transparency between law enforcement and the public. 

Body worn cameras saw an influx of federal funding after the Obama administration designated over $23 million in grants to law enforcement agencies across the country in 2015 partly pushed to act by the police officer killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. 

According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, almost half of the general law enforcement agencies nationwide had body worn cameras in 2016 while close to 70 percent of them used dash cameras. Eighty percent of large departments, 500 or more full-time officers, had body cameras.

A Colorado police department in Colorado Springs adopted body worn cameras beginning in 2016 and implemented the devices for most patrol officers in early 2017. Today, 550 officers use the cameras which cost an average of $1,000 per year to maintain and store video. The department’s policy requires officers to activate the cameras to record “all contacts with individuals in the performance of official duties” but does not include “routine duties” such as court related activities. 

The a recent review on body worn cameras by George Mason University focused on 30 studies and published Sept. 9, 2020. Despite an early 2014 study based in California that found police wearing body cameras were two times less likely to use force, the September review found that results varied too widely in the last six years to determine a direct correlation between the cameras and a reduction in officers’ use of force. 

Though the use of body worn cameras has not been proven to lead to better relationships between police officers and the communities they serve, the study found an overall reduction in complaints against officers though how or why is “unclear”. The study does report that officers themselves either like or grow to like body worn cameras likely due to officers’ view of the body worn camera footage as a “means for protecting themselves from frivolous complaints or one‐sided stories about their conduct.” Officers also view the cameras as valuable tools to gather evidence.

The study suggests that the policies surrounding usage of body worn cameras and procedures to release the footage determine whether or not increased community trust can be built by their implementation. Without “clear policies and practices for promptly releasing videos and handling internal investigations and disciplinary actions”, it reported that community relations will not improve. 

 

Daniel Lawrence, a principal research associate at the Urban Institute at Justice Policy Center, a nonpartisan social and economic research organization located in Washington, D.C., has studied body worn cameras since 2015. 

 

In a 2017 study, Lawrence also found that “community members’ satisfaction with police was more positively influenced by officers’ procedurally just practices than by the presence of a body-worn camera alone.”

 

Lawrence did find in a study of Milwaukee police that the use of body worn cameras reduced the practice of targeted stops and increased policing where officers park their cars and walk around an area to interact with the public.  “We found there is a decrease in those highly volatile types of policing activities but an increase in more community [policing] activities,” Lawrence says. 

 

In use of force incidents, body worn cameras are limited in their perspective. “I would emphasize in especially the use of force investigations, the footage itself is useful, but it doesn’t provide the full context,” Lawrence says. 

 

Lawrence predicts the next step in body worn camera footage will be the automatic review through machine learning of officers conduct to hold them accountable for acting “polite, respectful,[and] humanizing towards the committee members.”

 

CSPD uses technology from Utility Inc., a U.S. based software and technology company, which automatically turns on the cameras due to a set number of triggers including an officer’s gun release, running and siren activation. Officers can also manually turn on their cameras with a remote wrist watch. Unlike the typical body worn camera that sits outside of an officer’s uniform, CSPD’s cameras snap into an inside pocket which prevents them from being knocked off. The department provides a pouch to place the camera in a “heavy-vest” used over the uniform when responding to situations that require body armor. 

 

The video is automatically uploaded to the CSPD’s cloud based storage system where the officer classifies the footage with tags depending on the type of call. The footage will be retained for the amount of time related to the tags — felonies are held for 99 years, but noncriminal related videos are only stored for 60 days. All video related to use of force is stored for five  years. 

 

Though an officer is required to activate his or her camera, the technology doesn’t always turn on and can malfunction, Kathi Wolf, a body worn camera technician that started with CSPD’s program in 2016, says.

 

Wolf says that the footage is only cell phone quality, and the angle of the footage is controlled by the officer’s stance which can often be a sideways position which indirectly faces a person called a “bladed stance.”

 

 “It’s not amazing Hollywood cameras doing the footage. It is just this cell phone,” she said. 

 

The camera’s are limited in their perspective and also aren’t equipped with night vision. Wolf says it’s important that the cameras are not better than what an officer can see. 

 

“We want it to be as close as possible to real life what an officer really saw in the moment,” Wolf says. If it’s too clear it could cause the public to clearly view a stapler when an officer acted because he or she saw a potential knife. 

 

But still the camera is not a perfect representation even of what an officer saw. “It’s another perspective. It’ll never be exactly what they saw until we implant their eyeballs,” Wolf says. 

 

The officer’s body camera is only one of four ways that a police encounter can be recorded. Most law enforcement’s vehicles have dash cameras that also record incidents. Surveillance cameras surrounding an area can also catch a recording, and a citizen can record from their cell phone. 

 

2020 study by Christopher Slobogin on the effect of different video sources on viewers’ judgement of officer intent found that body camera footage leads people to judge officers’ actions as more justified and deliver more lenient punishments. The citizen in the encounter is more easily visible in the footage, and the attachment of the camera to a uniform is “unable to adequately capture certain use of force movements that are important in determining an officer’s intent,” according to the study. 

 

“It’s just one other tool. It’s one other, almost like another witness, and you can interpret it how you want. But it’s just another way to do it,” Wolf says. She adds that “in the scope of everything,” body worn cameras are still a new technology for police officers. 

 

With the passing of SB 20-217 CSPD will need to add almost 250 more cameras to its ranks by July 2023 even though it has a head start on some of Colorado’s other law enforcement agencies who have yet to adopt the technology. 

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Punishing Police Officers

Punishing Police Officers

PTSD or Racism: Metallic and a bullet hole in a police officers cruiser result in “KILL EM ALL” comment

This week I covered the punishment of a 20-year-career Colorado Springs police sergeant who commented “KILL THEM ALL” and then “KILL EM ALL” on a June Black Lives Matter protest live stream. Here is the article, below are some thoughts and behind the scenes reporting that dig into the question of accountability for police.

 

Was it PTSD or racism and in the end does it even matter?

Key points:

  • A 40 hr unpaid suspension and lateral movement out of a special division was not an adequate punishment for community members.

  • The officer seems to be suffering from PTSD and anxiety from reading the Internal Investigation interviews. [This is not confirmed but read the interview to come to your own conclusion]

  • He was involved in two major shooting incidents in the last five years, including one where an officer was killed and another where he won a medal of valor after getting shot at by a dude with a rifle from an apartment building.

  • Job evaluations show no foul marks the last six years. [These were obtained through open records requests. I reviewed 187 pages of redacted evals. It showed at least since 2014 that he’s met or exceed job expectations.]

  • His actions, though acknowledged as damaging by the police department, are not extreme enough and were ruled to not have INTENTIONALLY caused violence against protesters to cause him to be fired.

  • A petition has gathered over 2500 signatures calling for his firing.

  • His bosses and the mayor cannot fire him without risking legal proceedings from the officer that could challenge his termination. By policy, he’s been adequately punished.

  • So if he can’t be fired, the community feels betrayed here and there are no other options, what can be done?

Read the full article here.

In reviewing the internal documents, even with redactions, it stuck out to me blatantly that the officers is struggling with PTSD. In the current system there seems to be no way to rectify that the officer is struggling due to mental health, that his actions were incredibly damaging and that the punishment is completely inadequate to mend bridges with the community.

His suspension is not minor in the scheme of police getting punished, but looks like a slap on the wrist to people outside of law enforcement.

I interviewed Martin Lewis, a vet who founded the local grassroots organization that started the petition to fire the officer.

Lewis is no stranger to PTSD, he was medically discharged from the military and would not have chosen to leave if it had been left up to him.

“You can’t leave that up to the person who’s suffering from that illness,” he said.

He sees the signs of PTSD in the officer and is looking at policy changes that have allowed the officer to continue to work with mental health that could compromise his ability work as an officer.

Colorado Springs June 2020 protests.

 In the internal affairs’ interview, Wrede said that he was completely “professional” the entire time he was in uniform responding to the city’s George Floyd sparked protests. But when he got home, he couldn’t help but think back to the bullet hole in the officer’s windshield that was shot by an unknown suspect in May and think “Damn, what if?”.

The cruiser was shot on the second night of protests and the interview seems to show that Wrede started began to get panic attacks and bad anxiety after that.

“We expect warriors to be resilient and part of resiliency is denial which didn’t work out for me very well,” Wrede said. Lewis still thinks that Wrede needs to be fired.

It sounded to Lewis like Wrede need help, and maybe he’s gotten help, but it hasn’t been enough in his view.

“You have to look at this and say, I got to actually be able to maintain my professionalism. And if I can’t because of PTSD, then it might be time for me to hang up my coat. Which what you said. He said that and he’s still there,” Lewis said.

“We need to actually look into changing the policy to when police actually go through these things, we’re actually acting and helping them instead of just continuing to put them out there,” Lewis said. He views the week suspension and reassignment as putting the officer “right back out there”.

“Not only should CSPD follow the standard for everyone, they should be held to a higher standard because they enforce it,” Lewis said.

So without any community process to hold the officer accountable, the only solution for those who want more accountability is to fire the officer. And the only option for law enforcement and city government is to function within policy which limits their actions.

It’s interesting to me because the justice system so often fails the people on the other side of the blue uniforms, but in this case it seems to have failed and be failing the officer as well. When justice systems are only punitive can healing of individuals or communities occur? Thoughts or comments -> drop me a line or a song @ lj@dawsons.us.

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Prison Preacher and the quest to document him

Shirley Williams

Prison Preacher and the quest to document him

Shirley Vernae Williams is an Emmy Award nominated director who works for Refinery29. She is self-declared “story-telling obsessed” and is currently working on a film about a preacher who became a murderer and then the redemption of an entire prison and hundreds of men. The Des caught up with her this past June.

By LJ Dawson
By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

A year and a half ago, Shirley was at church when her minister mentioned that Martin Thomas was coming back to New York. The congregation was a buzz, but she had no idea who Martin was. So Shirley asked her mother. Martin, she learned, was a minister who murdered someone and was returning after decades in prison. 

Naturally, Shirley wanted to talk to Martin. Then she heard him speak, read a few books and was hooked on his story. After many talks with Martin’s wife, she got in the car and drove to talk with the ex-minister. What unfolded before her was a story about the power of love and redemption. 

Martin was sentenced to prison after killing his business partner for reasons he will disclose for the first time in Shirely’s documentary. He’s never told anyone even his family, why he killed the man. 

Martin’s story starts after he went to prison and lost contact with all five of his sons. He entered prison and became the pastor of the prison’s church. The prison was violent and terse with gang rivalries, but his power as a pastor transformed it.

"He brings all that energy, all that swag into the prison, completely changing the culture"

In his 23 years he baptized hundreds of people per year and started many programs that emphasized rehabilitation for inmates. 

He also fell in love with a caseworker in what Shirley said is “a very complicated love story”. They reconnected after her retirement, and he married her the day Martin left prison in 2017. 

Martin Thomas

After Martin left prison, his wife and him started a program called Foresight For-Givers to provide men on parole housing and food at no cost. 

Housing is a huge block for returning citizens who often can’t qualify for housing assistance, are blocked from rentals and can’t live with family in public housing due to their criminal records. 

The documentary has “a lot of layers” she said. “[The story] will be leaning heavily on the mystery of why Martin committed this crime. We’ll also get to see the impact that he’s had in the prison and hear from men whose lives he changed and then focus now on the impact that he’s having outside of prison walls,” Shirley said.

Martin is a “remarkable” man who enrolled his parole officer to become the director of operations for Foresight. “I mean, this is how powerful this man is,” Shirley said. “That shows how dynamic and how moving of a man he is.”

"He is a story that just speaks to second chance and possibility and redemption"

“So often us, as a society no matter what the crime is when people get sent away, we write them off. Martin is completely opposite. He did a horrible thing. And to this day, he hates that he did that thing. I think he’s still in a space of trying to forgive himself after all these years, over two decades. But he’s a person like everybody.” 

“I’ve committed crimes. I just haven’t gotten caught. Like you, me, so many of us commit crimes, commit wrongdoing and, you know, a lot of us don’t get caught. He got caught.”

How does this story speak to the bigger criminal justice world?

“The system is really designed to support these ex felons return back to prison. So in Indiana itself, when you get out, you can’t go to an apartment. Like, even if it’s your mom’s apartment or your brother’s apartment, you have to go to a home. So you have to go to a place where someone owns a home. 

So then these men, when they come out of prison, especially those that are there for long term, usually these are not first time offenders. They’re probably not first time offenders within their family or friends dynamic. So they probably have burned bridges. People don’t want anything to do with them. So their chances of having a place to return, the pool of people gets slimmer and slimmer and slimmer. So then you have people already don’t want me around. 

And then for those that do want me around, they then have to be in a bucket of they have to be homeowners. A lot of these are Black men. A lot of Black folks, especially in these urban communities, don’t own homes. So then it starts to get more complicated. So many of Martin’s men have violated parole simply because they did not have a home to go to. So then they’re thrown back into the system, not because they committed a crime, not because of wrongdoing, simply because they didn’t have a home. 

So Martin’s design is really to help tackle recidivism. He now owns two homes and he creates a space where these men can stay at forever because he knows just not having a home can lead you to violate parole, which can throw you back into the system. So he’s tackling that in that way.

He’s also tackling recidivism in a way where the programming that he’s designed for these males to help you on unlearn bad habits, unlearn thinking, thinking, unlearn negative belief systems, and put on new things that can help you to create a new life for yourself so that you’re not engaging in poor and old bad behavior that once led you into the into prison in the first place. 

What are you most looking forward to exploring in this film?

He had an unspeakable bond with his sons post the crime. That bond was broken. It was almost as if Martin didn’t exist. He wasn’t talking to the sons. Twenty three years. He never saw one of the five. He didn’t start getting letters until his sons were older and started to learn.But in all that, what Martin didn’t do was Martin did not victimize himself. 

He took his power and channeled it into other men. So he became the father, although he temporarily lost five, he became the father of hundreds. And I’m looking forward to being an example by showing how you can still be powerful in the context of loss. It’s really about your perspective. We always have a responsibility to use our tools and talents and gifts to forward the planet. And to be supportive of other human beings. 

What have you learned about yourself so far?

I learned through Martin and through watching him, I saw how far I have to go when I thought I was compassionate. It allowed me to see how judgmental I could be and how wrong I was within those judgments. And that when I thought I knew so much, I knew nothing. 

I also think he helped me to connect to my people, Black people specifically in a way where I was just like I live in a bubble where even for my own people I’m not aware of so many of the hardships and the pain and suffering. He kind of burst that bubble. 

Shirley has gone to film in Indiana twice and hopes to raise enough money that, COVID permitting, she can begin interviews this September. Donate here to help complete this documentary. 

“I need money from individuals, from organizations, people who are down for the cause, who want to support in telling stories of second chances – telling true, authentic stories of what happens within prison walls and ending recidivism.”

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DISPATCHES

Bail industry gets away with murder, costing defendants and citizens alike

An investigation was published indicating that six NYC bail bond companies were using fake trade names in order to continue operations without being shut down by state officials for large amounts of debt. The ability of agencies to continue to profit off of the bail system despite state laws that allow officials to suspend agencies owing large sums of money is the sixth loophole emphasized by the report.

More Voices of Justice To Come
More Voices of Justice To Come

Dispatch from an Alabama Prison

Dispatch from an Alabama Prison

“Being Black in America in the eyes of the law means you are nothing”

We talked with James at the beginning of this year about the violence he’s faced in Alabama’s prisons after a brutal stabbing with an ice pick by another inmate high on drugs. He was transferred to a different prison right when COVID-19 started. Last week we caught up with him on the phone. He’s continued to struggle to get adequate care for his injuries and is now worried that he will get COVID-19.

“It’s real serious in this prison,” James said. The virus is already in the prison. Because of a punctured lung from the assault he survived, he’s at high risk for the virus. His wife said he only just stopped sounding like a robot when he tries to breath.

"It's real serious in this prison"

Both the inmates and the guards aren’t taking the COVID-19 seriously, he said. Officers show up to work while sick because they are afraid to loose their job, and inmates have limited ability to practice distancing and recommended sanitation practices. Inmates who get sick are told they have sinus problems or have a cold, he said. He’s worried if he got sick that he’d face the same lack of medical care that he did after his assault.

Many Black men are put in jail for false charges, and James says he is one of them. He doesn’t believe he should be in prison. “I am tired. I am frustrated a lot because I am supposed to be home,” he said.

Over the past months since his assault, he’s become increasingly mentally stressed. “I am losing my mind,” he said. He had to fight for his life after the assault. He was transferred to a prison he says is more violent then his last, and now COVID-19 is in the prison.

“[I] almost lost my life then. If I do catch it, I might not get over it,” he said. There is a cruel irony that James fought to survive only to be faced with another life threat, and now he’s watching America march for another Black man: George Floyd

Floyd’s murder doesn’t surprise him though. How can it? He’s a Black man in America in prison.

"Black lives matter, but in the eyes of the law, Black lives don't matter"

“Our lives don’t matter,” he said. “Black lives matter, but in the eyes of the law, Black lives don’t matter,” he said over the phone.

“It is not right for law enforcement to treat a person like that,” he said. He is watching the whole world rebel from his cell. “Change has never come by being peaceful,” he said. “A lot of people have lost their lives for change.” The justice system’s injustice doesn’t just stop in the streets. If Floyd had survived the police officers brutality, he just would have been caught by the legal system that James is still tangled in.

“Just let me out. Let me go home to my family,” James said over the phone Friday. He feels like his life was taken away by the judge that sentenced him, and he is not sure he will make it out of prison alive to ever get it back.

Context: George Floyd had his own unjust encounters with police before they killed him.

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Mass incarceration punishes kids too

The arrest of a parent can be traumatic and severe for children whose parents are incarcerated, causing emotional, physical, educational and financial well-being difficulties. According to a  new study, kids of incarcerated parents are likely to become incarcerated themselves.

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More Voices of Justice To Come

Prison Can Amplify Political Voices

Photo: Ari Moore

Prison Can Amplify Political Voices

Prison can amplify political voice and COVID-19 deaths begin

Incarcerated people are often blocked from using their political voice to change the laws that impact them. As inmates speak out about COVID-19, we are taking this week to explore their political voice and revisit The Marshall Project’s ground breaking survey: What Do We Really Know About the Politics of People Behind Bars? Inmates now depend on elected people and laws for their release and safety from COVID-19. Did you miss last week’s edition on advocates’ efforts to pressure L.A. officials to act? Read up here.

Last October, we talked to Reuben Jonathan Miller, assistant professor in the University of Chicago School of Social Service Administration, about political activism and voting among people impacted by the justice system. 

"The fight to re-enfranchise people released from prison has grown"

As bipartisan criminal justice reforms pop up around the country, the fight to re-enfranchise people released from prison has grown. Florida gave voting rights back to people with felonies after a long battle, and Colorado returned the right to vote to parolees. The survey dispelled the assumption that voting right restoration would overwhelmingly support Democrats. But it also showed that politics can be a “lifeline” to those inside. 

The survey found that “respondents with long sentences were more motivated to vote, more likely to change their political views, and more likely to discuss politics than those who had spent less time in prison.” 

To Miller this engagement and even activism starts behind bars through lawsuits against various departments of corrections like grievances but also surrounding issues like prison labor rights, and it extends after release. According to Miller, people who are formerly incarcerated feel a higher expectation of civic engagement.

Image: Ari Moore

“While the rest of the country’s civic participation is declining, the civic participation of this group has been increasing, if anything,” he said. People often use the “rep” of their past experiences to affect change. 

“While other groups who are disaffected by the political system, feel like their voices aren’t heard. This is a group of people who are forcing their voices to be heard. They’re saying, we’ve been excluded. We will not be excluded anymore.”

"We will not be excluded anymore"

Voting rights matter, but often people impacted by incarceration are focused on more direct issues than national candidates. Miller said that expressions of political power often are seen around specific issues such as laws surrounding record expungement, treatment of pregnant women behind bars or the election of an especially punitive judge. 

“These big ticket items matter to them. They do. But there’s also a reality that also matters to them. The reality is that there are forty eight thousand laws, policies and administrative sanctions that target people with criminal records that exclude them from the political, the economy and culture of the cities, suburbs, rural towns and villages that they live in.”

Private facilities: In Colorado, CoreCivic re-entry houses are accused by residents of inadequate responses to calls for social distancing. [The Gazette]

Photos shared by a separate facility's resident shows cramped quarters in late March
Photos shared by a separate facility's resident shows cramped quarters in late March

Warning-Graphic: These photos leaked last month show horrific violence in the Alabama prisons. [WFSA]

Photo: SPLC
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Inside LA’s fight to save inmates from COVID-19

Photo @YouthJusticeLA

Inside LA’s fight to save inmates from COVID-19

Life and death are at stake for incarcerated people facing COVID-19

By LJ Dawson
By LJ Dawson

Founder of The Des and freelance journalist based in Washington, D.C.

On April 7, over 150 cars surrounded the courthouse and district attorney’s office to push officials to release people. The car march was an escalation by the Youth Justice Coalition after a slow response to the demands of a Mar. 16 letter signed by over 80 organizations. The letter listed demands from early releases to free access to masks and phone calls.

Almost 2000 people were released from the county jail system in the last two weeks, according to McGill. The L.A. County Board of Education has also voiced support.

Families are facing desperation. McGill compared it to Americans alone at home unable to see grandparents, but “[i]magine if that loved one was inside a cage .” The rally provided a way for people impacted by the justice system to come together.

“L.A. County has the largest jail system, the largest juvenile system, largest court system [and] the largest sheriff’s and probation department in the world. So to start to throw a wrench into the largest martial system in the world, I think it made people feel really powerful and really united that day.”

"To start to throw a wrench into the largest martial system in the world ... it made people feel really powerful and really united that day."

Photo @YouthJusticeLA

The conditions inside prisons across the country deteriorate as facilities confront the pandemic. In the L.A. county jail, inmates are on a 24-hour lock down with showers every three days, according to an inmate. People are eating meals in cells which house up to six people with no masks, disinfectant, sanitizer or additional hygiene products. Youth are being held in similar conditions with no reading or writing material.

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Overdose Deaths Behind Bars Rise as Drug Crisis Swells

Even if Alabama’s prisons and jails are especially overrun by drugs, death, and violence, their problems are not unique in the U.S. Within three weeks this spring, incarcerated people died of overdoses in Illinois, Oklahoma, New York, and the District of Columbia.

More Voices of Justice To Come
More Voices of Justice To Come