D.C. jail food is so rotten or processed that inmates throw two-thirds of it away, according to a new survey

D.C. jail food is so rotten or processed that inmates throw two-thirds of it away, according to a new survey

According to a release of a DC Greens study on food insecurity in D.C. jails, study found that a vast majority of respondents reported being served inadequate food on an occasional to frequent basis.

The disturbing conditions inside the D.C. Department of Corrections’ facilities are highlighted in the study “‘We’re Hungry in Here‘ – Food Insecurity Behind the Walls of D.C.’s Jails” amid proposed legislation of the FRESH STARTS Act in the District.

With the help of DC Greens, Daniel Rosen, and the Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner Leonard Bishop, 330 prisoners participated in the surveys. The study, combined with insights from Darby Hickey, Policy Counsel at DC Justice Lab and Daniel Rosen, returned citizen and justice reform advocate, paints a distressing picture of rampant hunger, inedible meals, and restricted access to nutritious food.

Key Findings:

Hunger behind bars. The survey exposes dissatisfaction after meals (89%), between-meal hunger (94%), adverse physical effects (80%), and detrimental mental health effects (75%); additionally, 90% lacked access to fresh fruit, and 75% to fresh vegetables.

 

Quality of served food. Residents frequently receive highly processed food, such as “Textured Vegetable Protein” (TVP), bologna, and unidentifiable meat patties, with 89% expressing concern about the nutritional adequacy and potential long-term health impacts on the incarcerated population.

 

Meal avoidance and food waste. 85% of respondents admitted to avoiding the meals provided, contributing to high rates of hunger and food waste. Breakfast, lunch and dinner were skipped by 60%, 70%, and 60% of residents, respectively. 


Unsafe and spoiled food. 70% percent of respondents reported receiving spoiled or rotten food, such as rancid milk and moldy bread, with widespread complaints of roaches, rodents, food poisoning, and gastric distress.

In a proposed legislation by D.C. Councilmember Brooke Pinto in February 2023, the FRESH STARTS Act of 2023 seeks to improve nutrition in Department of Corrections facilities, setting nutritional standards, implementing the Good Food Purchasing Policy, enhancing oversight and providing hospitality career training to reduce recidivism and support successful reentry. The DC Greens survey highlights the dire need for this legislation to pass.

The Des talked to Daniel Rosen, an advocate for criminal justice reform and a key figure in exposing the alarming issues within the jail’s food system, as well as D.C. Justice Lab’s Darby Hickey.

 

Rosen shared insights into the survey distributed to inmates, “I spent a year inside the jail in 2016-2017, and I had a pretty good idea of what the results would say. Everyone inside cares about the food,” he explained. The high response rate highlighted the significance of the issue among the inmate population.

 

D.C. Justice Lab’s Darby Hickey highlighted the importance of hearing directly from incarcerated individuals, shedding light on experiences often ignored or forgotten. The survey’s findings, surprising were also expected, “underscore the societal values reflected in how we treat individuals in detention facilities, with food playing a central role in conveying care or indifference,” she said

One striking revelation was the insufficient number of residents involved in the kitchen operations. Rosen expressed his surprise, stating, “I’m thinking to myself, was it possible that only eight residents work in that kitchen?” This raised questions about the viability of using the kitchen as a workforce development opportunity, as envisioned in the proposed Fresh Starts Act.

Rosen emphasized that the problem extended beyond just the quality of the food. Approximately two-thirds of the food served in the jail was not consumed, leaving inmates with the option of resorting to the commissary, which offered predominantly unhealthy, processed foods. This financial burden further exacerbated the challenges faced by inmates and their families.

 

The financial aspect of this issue was illuminated when Rosen shared that the city pays Aramark over six and a half million dollars annually for food services, with approximately two-thirds of the food going to waste. “Aramark is looking for a new food service director at the jail,” Rosen mentioned, noting that the current structure overseen by Aramark lacked transparency and efficient workforce development.

Hickey expressed optimism about the FRESH STARTS Act transformative potential. The act introduces provisions for transparency, oversight and task forces with expertise in corrections, nutrition and workforce training. The act aims to establish nutrition standards, providing a framework for accountability and improvement. Community members can engage by advocating for the Fresh Starts Act, reaching out to local officials, and staying informed about jail conditions.

 

Hickey underscored the importance of passing the Fresh Starts Act and holding officials accountable for implementing effective reforms. The well-being of individuals in D.C. jails, as reflected in their plea, “We’re hungry in here — HELP!” demands urgent attention and concerted efforts to improve conditions and create a safer community.

 

The report underscores an urgent need for comprehensive reform within the jail food system, as revealed by the survey’s distressing findings. 

 

“Three times a day, we tell the District’s sons and daughters, mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers in D.C.’s jails that we don’t care about them when they’re handed inedible, unhealthy food trays,” Rosen said. “It’s to the point that some of us go to sleep hungry, refusing to eat the food provided to us, and that’s not by choice.”

 

See the full study here.

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DISPATCHES

As D.C. city council increases pretrial detention, a bill to eliminate solitary confinement in detention is trying to pass, yet again

Former Councilmember Mary Cheh proposed measures to further prohibit solitary confinement twice prior to the 2022 introduction of the ERASE bill, but none succeeded. Measures including the Inmate Segregation Reduction Act of 2017. Because the DOC denies its use of solitary confinement, there are concerns that the isolated confinement is not monitored or recorded.

IN DEPTH

Can ‘Gunderstanding’ help fight youth violence in D.C.?

An interview with The T.R.I.G.G.E.R. Project founder, Tia Bell, a gun violence prevention organization in Washington, D.C. that provides support to young people. The organization’s mission is to “denormalize and destigmatize gun violence in communities of color across the nation.”

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As D.C. city council increases pretrial detention, a bill to eliminate solitary confinement in detention is trying to pass, yet again

handcuffed hands of man in orange jump suit

As D.C. city council increases pretrial detention, a bill to eliminate solitary confinement in detention is trying to pass, yet again

In 2022 a bill to eliminate solitary confinement in D.C.  failed to pass. Stakeholders are attempting to pass the bill again in the current council period. It aims to severely restrict solitary confinement in D.C correctional facilities.

The D.C Department of Corrections claims not to use solitary confinement due to the controversy surrounding the practice. But they practice isolation under different names such as administrative segregation, disciplinary segregation, protective custody, safe cells (for people undergoing mental crisis) and room confinement (for juveniles). The Eliminating Restrictive and Segregated Enclosures (ERASE) Solitary Confinement Act was introduced in 2022 by then councilwoman Mary Cheh.

Cheh proposed measures to further prohibit solitary confinement twice prior to the 2022 introduction of the ERASE bill but none succeeded. Measures included the Inmate Segregation Reduction Act of 2017. Because the DOC denies its use of solitary confinement, there are concerns that the isolated confinement is not monitored or recorded. 

“One of the really shocking things was that the DOC had almost no information that they either had or were willing to share with us,” Emily Cassometus, the Director of Government and External Affairs at the D.C Justice Labs, said.

Cassometus has requested records from the DOC on confinement use since 2015. She said they always responded. But in response to a 2022 request, she said DOC claimed they didn’t have any information. 

“If that’s true, and they don’t keep that information anymore, then that means that they’re not tracking the use of solitary which is, you know, pretty bad practice,” Cassometus added.

The Des contacted the D.C Department of Corrections about whether or not records are available regarding the use of administrative segregation. They responded that data points on restrictive housing can be found in the 2023 Performance Oversight Hearing materials. But there is no specific data included. In  February 2023 written answer to D.C. council, the DOC said it reduced restrictive housing placements by over 50% in fiscal year 2022 by placing “residents in restrictive housing only when they pose an immediate and ongoing threat.”

The DOC reported overall restrictive housing decreased from 12% of DOC’s population to under 5%. “The DOC’s objective is to reform its disciplinary and restrictive housing practices to achieve safer facilities with significantly reduced use of restrictive housing by September 30, 2023,” according to their 2023 report

The United Nations defines prolonged solitary confinement as confinement for 22 hours or more a day without meaningful human contact for more than 15 consecutive days. Those who experience solitary are likely to develop anxiety, depression, suicidal thoughts and psychosis. The Nelson Mandela rules created by the UN assert that solitary confinement should be used sparingly and as a last resort. It categorizes the practice as torture and highlights poor conditions a prisoner likely faces such as lack of access to sunlight, a reduction of food and water and being trapped in a constantly lit or constantly dark cell.

In 2022, a bill was created with the purpose of severely restricting solitary confinement in D.C prisons and youth detention centers, the Eliminating Restrictive and Segregated Enclosures (ERASE) Solitary Confinement Act of 2022. The bill was sponsored by Councilmembers Mary Cheh, Janeese Lewis George, Brianne Nadeau, Kenyan McDuffie, Elissa Silverman, and Robert White.  It failed to pass but it will be reintroduced in 2024.

“Solitary confinement is greatly abused. And it’s more for the convenience of the jailers than it is for the inmate, and it’s cruel. So, for me, it was a matter of being humane, and that’s why I wanted to do it” the lead sponsor of the 2020 Erase bill, former Councilwoman Mary Cheh, said.

The Erase bill was never heard by the full council because it got absorbed by Allen’s bill. The Omnibus bill required reports to be made on the use of safe cells, segregation and disciplinary housing: alternate forms of solitary which are still in practice. Cheh thinks the ERASE bill would have had a chance standing on its own. “I was on the council for 16 years and I know my colleagues pretty well, I have no doubt that it would have passed as I submitted it,” Cheh said. 

Several advocacy groups and organizations in D.C. are coming together to gather support for the bill and campaign for eliminating the practice of solitary confinement. Some of the members of the D.C coalition of Unlock the Box (a national campaign to end solitary confinement) are the ACLU-DC, Free Minds Book Club, National Reentry Network for Returning Citizens, Interfaith Action for Human Rights, DC Justice Lab and Harriet’s Wildest Dreams. 

 “[The] vast majority of our members, youth members, have experienced solitary and it is incredibly damaging and harmful,” Tara Libert, the executive director of Free Minds, said. Free Minds, an organization which hosts book clubs and writing workshops for inmates in D.C., is a member of Unlock the Box.

People kept in solitary can be left without necessary stimuli and comforts. Free Minds provides care packages for youth in solitary that include  books, activities and brain teasers.

For now, individuals in D.C. still face solitary confinement or administrative segregation without the protection of the ERASE bill. But that could change in the next two years: “The Coalition is back together and meeting and working to revise the bill to make it even stronger,” Cassometus said. The new ERASE bill was reintroduced Sept. 6 by councilmember Brianne Nadeau. 

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Failings of youth incarceration

The Sentencing Project held a webinar to discuss the problems of youth incarceration In the face of increased pretrial detention in The District of Columbia,

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IN DEPTH

A new investigation reveals gun seizures under Bowser’s police department broke the law

Journalists Alex Coma and Mitch Ryals published an investigative story uncovering a criminal investigation of 19 D.C. police officers for misconduct while serving in a crime suppression unit. Originally an internal MPD inquiry, the investigation has since been upgraded to a criminal inquiry, with allegations including taking firearms without making arrests and filing false reports.

House of pain

House of Pain: an introduction

My name is Bernard Jemison and I will briefly explain my story. I’ve been incarcerated since May 13, 1998, over 25 years now for felony murder that should have been self-defense. I was sentenced to serve life with the possibility of parole in the Alabama department of corrections.

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New report finds the U.S. prison population grew in 2022 after almost a decade of decline

New report finds the U.S. prison population grew in 2022 after almost a decade of decline

New data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics shows the number of people sentenced to more than one year in prison increased in 35 states and rose 2% nationally. 

The recent surge in the U.S. prison population in 2022, as reported by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, has brought to light several concerning trends and statistics that deserve closer examination. This unexpected growth, after nearly a decade of decline, raises questions about the state of the nation’s criminal justice system.

The rising number of people incarcerated in the United States as of December 31, 2022 was 1,230,100, an increase of 2% from the previous year’s total of 1,205,100. Notably, 96% of those detained had been given sentences of more than a year and were under the control of state and federal penitentiary officials. 

Various U.S. states had different rates of growth in their prison populations. In fact, from year end 2021 to year end 2022, 35 states and the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) recorded an increase in the number of people serving sentences of more than one year under correctional authority. This emphasizes the requirement for a more thorough investigation of the procedures and policies causing these differences.

On top of this problem, the prison system continues to exhibit racial inequities, with 32% of those convicted to state or federal prison being Black and 31% being White. 23% of the prison population was Hispanic, while 10% of inmates were multiracial or came from other racial groups. Asian, Native Hawaiian, or Other Pacific Islander people made up 1% of the prison population, while American Indian or Alaska Native people made up 2%.

"Rather than succumbing to fruitless impulses to get tougher, jurisdictions should redouble their efforts to decarcerate to achieve an effective and just criminal legal system."

Ashley Nellis, Co-Director of Research at The Sentencing Project, responded to these alarming statistics, stating, “For over a decade, the country has been moving away from a failed playbook of incarceration and overcriminalization — often motivated by bipartisan consensus to reform the country’s broken criminal legal system. But the recent, temporary, uptick in crime has tested this resolve. Rather than succumbing to fruitless impulses to get tougher, jurisdictions should redouble their efforts to decarcerate to achieve an effective and just criminal legal system.”

It’s crucial to keep in mind that the 2022 statistics are provisional and could change when the Bureau of Justice Statistics publishes its final data in November 2023 as part of the study “Prisoners in 2022 – Statistical Tables.”

See the full study here.

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Wake Up: The Sentencing Project launches new campaign to end mass incarceration

A new project launched by The Sentencing Project is a campaign to end mass incarceration in the United States. The project, called “Wake Up,” aims to raise awareness about the negative impacts of mass incarceration on individuals, families, and communities and to push for reforms that will reduce the number of people behind bars.

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Failings of youth incarceration

Failings of youth incarceration

The Sentencing Project held a webinar to discuss the problems of youth incarceration

In the face of increased pretrial detention in The District of Columbia, a D.C. based think tank and advocacy organization hosted a webinar focused on why youth incarceration fails both kids incarcerated and the community surrounding them. The Sentencing Project, as described by Josh Rovner,  director of youth justice, is an organization which “advocates for effective and humane responses to crime to, that minimize imprisonment and criminalization of youth and adults by promoting racial, ethnic and economic and gender justice.”

The speakers were Luis Ahmadi, from the Credible Messengers Mentoring Movement, as well as an employee of the D.C Department of Youth and Rehabilitative Services; Richard Mendel, the Senior Fellow of The Sentencing Project; Tawaina Reed, the Program Director of the Youth Advocate Programs (YAP), Inc; Karemma Williams, a YAP alumni, and life coach. It was moderated by Josh Rovner. 

The seminar began on a positive note with Rovner sharing news about a general decline in youth incarceration as well as a decline in youth tried as adults. He emphasized that efforts addressing the issue have created tangible positive results. 

Mendel highlighted the six essential failing of youth incarceration. 

  • Youth who are incarcerated are more likely to reoffend than youth who aren’t, proving that juvenile incarceration doesn’t reduce delinquent conduct.
  •  Youth incarceration damages the potential for future successes and the overall well being of the individuals that experience the process. 
  • Juvenile detention facilities are often dangerous and abusive. 
  • Unequal policing leads to disproportionate contact and incarceration of  youth of color.
  • Incarceration conflicts with healthy adolescent development. 
  • Youth incarceration exacerbates the trauma that led people into the system.

These failings and more reasons for the failures of the youth incarceration system are further elaborated in a paper published by the sentencing project on March 1, 2023.

The speakers shared their stories and experiences working with youth and what they found to be important. Kareema was part of a second chance program for juvenile offenders and Tawaina was assigned as her mentor. 

Kareema began the program exhibiting low self esteem, and she suffered from bullying and other issues. While in juvenile detention she felt unsafe and like she didn’t belong there. Her experiences had made her closed off and trust was hard to achieve. With Tawaina she found support outside of her family, someone who was there to guide her and show her a positive path. Even when she left the program she still kept in contact with Tawaina and referred to her as a mother figure. Kareema is grateful to have experienced this, and it led her down a more positive path. Their story shows an important point: that youth need support. The webinar said that support and opportunities for growth are more effective than punitive measures such as incarceration which debilitates youth’s abilities to be effective members of society.

You can watch the webinar Here

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Shaking off the dust

The United States Sentencing Commission’s four year interruption has left the circuit court system in disarray and many incarcerated people waiting to hear back on appeals. Its first meeting addressed the list of priorities it will tackle including The First Step Act.

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House of Pain: an introduction

House of Pain: an introduction

The first essay from an incarcerated inmate and activist in Alabama prisons. The state is currently under investigations and facing lawsuits by the Department of Justice for human rights violations. 

By Bernard Jemison
By Bernard Jemison

Currently incarcerated in the Alabama Department of Corrections

My name is Bernard Jemison and I will briefly explain my story. I’ve been incarcerated since May 13, 1998, over 25 years now for felony murder that should have been self-defense. I was sentenced to serve life with the possibility of parole in the Alabama department of corrections.

During these 25 years I’ve witnessed the most abusive conduct by correctional guards and deplorable living conditions. I’ve initiated a host of civil lawsuits against ADOC officials that resulted in 4 federal trials. I lost all of these cases despite my evidence.

In 2018, ex-felon Jimmy Spencer was accused of killing two elderly women and a child. Governor K Ivey then placed massive pressure on her appointed parole board to enforce strict restrictions on parole approvals. This led to over 90 percent of paroles being denied in the state of Alabama.

The guys inside the ADOC system knew that there was little to no chance of obtaining freedom by parole. Once the atmosphere of hopelessness set in, the use of drugs escalated along with a rise in violence. Good behavior was no longer rewarded. Things inside became so violent that it was difficult to find prison staff willing to work. The system grew worse.

In 2020, attorney general William Barr filed a federal civil action against the ADOC listing a host of civil rights violations, abuse, medical neglect and shortage of staff. In 2022, I began taking action using devices, cellular phones, to bring exposure to the gravity of the inhumane prison conditions inside the department of corrections. I documented violence, abuse by staff, over crowdedness, understaffing, drug overdose and inadequate living conditions.

I release these videos to social media outlets, news journalists and TikTok. My videos have been viewed millions of times, and they have contributed to sparking a host of rallies, gatherings and a work strike of Alabama prisoners who refused to work until their living conditions met constitutional standards. 

These videos exposed just how inadequate medical care is for Alabama prisoners, especially those with cancer and other chronic illnesses. Two of the cancer patients I interviewed in 2022 died weeks after I interviewed them. This set off a public outcry and rage against the medical contract service of Wexford. ADOC switched providers to YesCare, Corp. this January. The medical care continues to be horrific.

Due to the popularity of social media coverage of my videos, I was immediately placed in lock up or segregation where I remained for 6 months. My supporters took over my voice and continued to fight for the justice and rights I sought for on the behalf of those incarcerated. After a four day hunger strike, I was released back to the general population this spring and continue recording ongoing atrocities by prison personnel. 

Now currently at Holman correctional, I continue to face non-stop retaliation and harassment for bringing public awareness to deplorable conditions here. My very life has been threatened. I’ve been placed in segregation, and I continue to receive disciplinary write ups. However, my suffering and documentation of our plight as prisoners in Alabama has opened the eyes of many to the level of degradation prisoners are subjected to in the state prison system. I hope my documentation will result in change and stability in the Alabama Department of Corrections.

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NUMBERS

Still locked out of the ballot box

 An estimated 4.6 million Americans are still unable to vote due to felony records despite reforms. This includes more than one in 10 Black adults in eight states – Alabama, Arizona, Florida, Kentucky, Mississippi, South Dakota, Tennessee, and Virginia.

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Bail industry gets away with murder, costing defendants and citizens alike

An investigation was published indicating that six NYC bail bond companies were using fake trade names in order to continue operations without being shut down by state officials for large amounts of debt. The ability of agencies to continue to profit off of the bail system despite state laws that allow officials to suspend agencies owing large sums of money is the sixth loophole emphasized by the report.

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Mass incarceration punishes kids too

The arrest of a parent can be traumatic and severe for children whose parents are incarcerated, causing emotional, physical, educational and financial well-being difficulties. According to a  new study, kids of incarcerated parents are likely to become incarcerated themselves.

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Report Reveals Police Use of Force Rising for Black, Female, and Older People

(Prison Policy Initiative)

Report Reveals Police Use of Force Rising for Black, Female, and Older People

Recent Bureau of Justice Statistics provide comprehensive look at relations between police and the public in 2019 and 2020

The Prison Policy Institute has released a report analyzing survey data published by the Bureau of Justice Statistics on “Contacts between police and the public in 2020.” The report reveals that, while fewer people came into contact with police overall, “those interactions were still too often racially discriminatory and too often involved improper or harmful conduct.” 

While the BJS survey has led to key findings regarding the discriminatory use of force by police, the scope of the data leaves out incidences between police and the public after June 2020, subsequent months of which saw deep social unrest caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and a “nationwide reckoning with racialized police violence” following the death of George Floyd.

More than 1 in 5 people in the survey reported coming into contact with police in the past twelve months. Of these reports, 2% of people experienced the nonfatal threat or use of force. This force consists of being handcuffed, pushed or grabbed, hit or kicked, used chemical or pepper spray or an electroshock weapon on, pointed or fired a gun at, or some other kind of physical force. 

Of this 2%, the use of force disproportionately affected Black people. The statistics reveal that racial disparities in policing persist, particularly in regards to the threat or use of force. Black people were 12 times more likely to experience police misconduct. During traffic stops in particular, Black and Hispanic people were most likely to experience a search or arrest, while white people enjoyed the effects of police discretion and were most likely to leave a traffic stop with a mere warning. 2020 saw approximately 1 million fewer traffic incidents, likely a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Two additional trends were also revealed: older people are vulnerable to harmful interactions with the police, and police are increasingly threatening or actually using force against women. More than 1 in 7 people aged 65 or older reported police contact, with the number of people in the same age range experiencing the use of force nearly doubling between 2018 and 2020. Women accounted for an “alarming” 31% of those experiencing the use of threat or force in recent police interactions. 

The findings by the BJS led the Prison Policy Initiative to ask a number of pressing questions: how has policing changed through 2020? Why are women increasingly experiencing the use of force by police, while this figure is decreasing for men? Do police really provide solutions to those in need of help? 

The data reveals that 36% of people who contacted police for help felt as though the response did not improve the situation, though 93% were equally likely to contact police again in future incidents. The Prison Policy Initiative noted that this dependence may be indicative of the need for alternatives to policing. 

In light of the political movement to “defund” the police, the BJS also issued administrative surveys of law enforcement personnel, the scope of which extends to the end of 2020, beyond the survey on contacts between police and the public. The Initiative reported that, in line with reports of stagnant or increased police budgets in the 2021-22 fiscal year, the police were not “defunded” in 2020. The report also noted sheriffs and police chiefs continue to be overwhelmingly white.

The Prison Policy Initiative concluded its report, stating “hopefully, future versions of this survey will help paint a clearer picture of how policing has evolved over the past two years and how advocates and lawmakers can continue to push for change.” In light of the data provided by the BJS, “we’ve yet to see meaningful shifts in policing institutions.”

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left to die

new report finds ten of thousands of people over fifty who are sentenced to life without parole face increasingly grim conditions

IN DEPTH

Overdose Deaths Behind Bars Rise as Drug Crisis Swells

Even if Alabama’s prisons and jails are especially overrun by drugs, death, and violence, their problems are not unique in the U.S. Within three weeks this spring, incarcerated people died of overdoses in Illinois, Oklahoma, New York, and the District of Columbia.

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D.C.’s Youth Summer Program Has Set An Example For Decades

D.C.’s Youth Summer Program Has Set An Example For Decades

How a Locally Funded Initiative Strives to Empower District Youth

Zoe Kim
Zoe Kim

Research & reporting intern at the Des

The Mayor Marion S. Barry Summer Youth Employment Program, or MBSYEP, offers enriching work experience in private and government sectors to District youth ages 14 to 24. For 44 years, the program has partnered with hundreds of employers in the capital to deliver training and counsel. Last year, MBSYEP worked with over 13,000 youth, 56% of whom were Ward 7 and 8 residents. City leaders in D.C. have encouraged youth to enroll in the programs in response to a rise in youth crime.

The program is sponsored by the Department of Employment Services, so while giving the youth hands-on work experience, the locally-funded program pays them up to $17/hour in line with the minimum wage. This year the department allocated 21 million dollars to raise participants’s hourly wages, serving the local economy as well.

For six weeks, participating D.C. youth are paired with employers based upon their interests, equipping them with the tools for leadership and professional development. MBSYEP partners with District high schools to further engage with the youth. In 2020, the program had over 19,000 applicants, yet only 9,000 were certified as eligible. Interest in MBSYEP is only rising as the program receives a greater number of applicants each year.

The program has been deemed an alternative to expanding the police force and local jails. Though it runs June through August, it introduces the youth to unique opportunities that keep them out of trouble. In a 2020 independent evaluation, 79.6% of participants reported that they were satisfied overall with their experience that summer. 

Today, MBSYEP is the country’s biggest summer youth employment program per capita. Many other cities have turned to MBSYEP as an example for tackling the rising number of youth who engage in gun violence. To learn more, please visit https://summerjobs.dc.gov/.

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New report debunks 2020 youth crime wave

politicians and pundits are peddling youth gone wild but a new report says the most recent data doesn’t support their claims and harsher sentences won’t stop crime

IN DEPTH

The number of women behind bars continues to rise in U.S.

Just because prison overpopulation is usually discussed in regards to males, America also has a glaring problem of over incarcerating mothers, sisters, aunts, cousins and grandmas. There are currently 108,000 women in prison in the United States — accounting for nearly 30% of the world’s incarcerated females.

IN DEPTH

Fighting for a second chance

When Dontrell Britton returned from federal prison to his mother’s DC apartment in 2017, he didn’t have tens of thousands of Instagram followers or over 400 thousand TikTok followers on his team like he does now.

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1700+ incidents of sexual victimization within juvenile justice facilities reported over six-year period 

1700+ incidents of sexual victimization within juvenile justice facilities reported over six-year period 

The Bureau of Justice Statistics has found that there were 1762 verified incidents of sexual abuse and misconduct, perpetrated by youth and staff combined, in juvenile justice facilities throughout 2013-2018

CW: Sexual Assault

In a new report, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), in accordance with their obligation under the Prison Rape Elimination Act to administer and review the “Survey of Sexual Violence” (SSV), has found that 1762 confirmed incidents of sexual abuse and misconduct occurred in juvenile justice facilities over the course of 2013-2018. Of this figure, 1263 incidents were perpetrated by other youth, and 499 were perpetrated by staff. The report reveals key findings about the kinds of abuse occurring and how juvenile justice facilities are responding to the abuse. There are notable shortfalls with regards to how many victims receive counseling and treatment, as well as with regards to how many incidents are followed up by legal action. 

The majority of the incidents consisted of “abusive sexual contact,” defined by the BJS as “intentional touching, either directly or through the clothing,” of private body parts. The remaining incidents were “nonconsensual sexual acts,” which the BJS, in alignment with national standards, defines as consisting of penetrative acts. The data, which was collected through the SSV, represents all data collected by state juvenile systems and facilities, and representative samples of locally and privately operated judicial facilities. 

In reality, the figure may be higher than reported, as researchers observed that multiple victims and perpetrators may have been involved in each incident. There is, additionally, the possibility for slight variability in the true number of incidents occurring in non-state systems and facilities.

(Bureau of Justice Statistics)

The majority of victims overall were male, with male victims comprising 63.2% of the total number of staff-on-youth abuse victims and 62.7% of youth-on-youth abuse victims. The majority of perpetrators in youth-on-youth abuse incidents were also male, at 72.8%. The majority of staff-on-youth abuse perpetrators, however, were female, at 51.1%.

As regards the facility response to these incidents, the data collected reveals that only 50% of victims of staff sexual misconduct incidents received counseling or mental health treatment, with that figure dropping to 36% in relation to staff sexual harassment incidents. Similarly, 48% of victims in youth-on-youth sexual victimization incidents were provided counseling or mental health treatment.

(Bureau of Justice Statistics)

The data collected only represents substantiated incidents of sexual victimization, which means that the allegation was investigated and determined to have occurred. Nonetheless, staff perpetrators were only reprimanded or disciplined 40% of the time. The staff perpetrators who were then discharged, terminated, or denied contract renewal only represent 32% of total staff perpetrators. 

The report distinguished between incidents of staff sexual misconduct, which includes any consensual or nonconsensual behavior or act of a sexual nature, and incidents of staff sexual harassment, which includes repeated verbal comments or gestures of a sexual nature. Despite incidents of sexual misconduct being considered “the most serious victimizations,” staff perpetrators were disciplined five times more often for sexual harassment incidents (40%) than for sexual misconduct incidents (8%). 

In youth-on-youth sexual victimization situations, approximately 26% of cases led to legal action in both state juvenile systems and local and private juvenile facilities. However, while 37.4% of staff perpetrators faced legal action in local and private juvenile facilities, only 24.4% of staff perpetrators faced legal action in state juvenile systems. The data therefore reveals a discrepancy between both the number of substantiated incidents and the number of perpetrators facing legal action more generally, and the discrepancy between the legal outcomes depending on whether the facility is state operated or privately operated.

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These Colors Don’t Run (At Least Not Fast Enough)

In the devastating aftermath of the mass killing at a Texas elementary school this week, questions swirl around the police response, or lack there of, while an 18-year-old slaughtered children, we turn to Posse Comitatus.

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Mayor Bowser’s Crime Bill Would Increase Youth Pretrial Detention Despite New Evidence of Effective Alternatives

Mayor Bowser’s Crime Bill Would Increase Youth Pretrial Detention Despite New Evidence of Effective Alternatives

A new report found that alternative-to-incarceration programs are more effective than detention for youth who commit serious offenses. Mayor Bowser’s new crime bill would increase youth pretrial detention, despite this evidence.

The Des Staff
The Des Staff

This article was written with the assistance of AI. It was edited by a real person to ensure accuracy.

Mayor Bowser’s new crime bill, proposed this month, would likely increase youth pretrial detention. The bill would make it easier for judges to detain youth who are accused of certain crimes, including gun offenses and violent crimes. 

A new report from The Sentencing Project adds depth to Bowsers new crime bill and its focus on youth detention. The Washington based criminal justice think tank found that six alternative-to-incarceration program models effectively reduce recidivism and improve public safety for youth who have committed serious offenses.

The report, “Effective Alternatives to Youth Incarceration: What Works With Youth Who Pose Serious Risks to Public Safety,” found that these programs are more effective than incarceration in preventing youth from re-offending, and they also cost less.

“The evidence is clear that incarceration is a failed strategy for reversing delinquent behavior, damages young people’s futures, and disproportionately harms youth of color,” Richard Mendel, Senior Research Fellow at The Sentencing Project and author of the report, said in the press release. 

“The evidence is clear that incarceration is a failed strategy for reversing delinquent behavior, damages young people’s futures, and disproportionately harms youth of color."

The six program models identified in the report are:

  • Credible messenger mentoring programs: These programs use former offenders to mentor current offenders, providing them with guidance and support.
  • Advocate/mentor programs: These programs pair youth with an advocate who provides them with support and guidance, as well as connecting them with resources in the community.
  • Family-focused, multidimensional therapy models: These programs provide therapy to youth and their families, addressing the underlying issues that may be contributing to the youth’s behavior.
  • Cognitive behavioral therapy: This type of therapy helps youth to identify and change negative thought patterns and behaviors.
  • Restorative justice interventions: These interventions focus on repairing the harm that has been caused by the youth’s offense, rather than punishing them.
  • Wraparound programs: These programs provide a comprehensive range of services to youth, including therapy, education, and job training.

These programs are effective in reducing recidivism rates for youth who have committed serious offenses. A study of a credible messenger mentoring program in New York City found that 77% of participants did not get arrested in the year after enrolling in the program.

The report also found that these programs are more cost-effective than incarceration. For example, a study of a cognitive behavioral therapy program in Baltimore found that the program saved the state $1.5 million for every $1 million spent on the program. It recommends that state and local governments expand funding for these programs.

Critics of Bowser’s bill, which focuses on youth detention instead of these alternatives, say it would disproportionately impact youth of color and would do more harm than good. They argue that pretrial detention is harmful to youth, as it can lead to further trauma, educational disruption and mental health problems. Supporters of the bill argue that pretrial detention can help to prevent youth from re-offending and can protect the public from dangerous criminals. 

The bill is currently being reviewed by the D.C. Council. It is unclear whether the bill will be passed into law. To read The Sentencing Project’s report, click here.

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Maryland Parole Commission suffers systemic problems, new report reveals

Maryland Parole Commission suffers systemic problems, new report reveals

The Justice Policy Institute identified key inefficiencies in Maryland’s parole system, putting forth alternative measures

In a new report, the Justice Policy Institute assessed Maryland’s parole system for the first time in nearly ninety years. The report concludes that management of the parole system by the Maryland Parole Commission suffers from inefficiencies which include a disparity between rules and reality, a lack of publicly accessible data, racial disparities and continued high recidivism rates. Notably, despite the influence of COVID-19 on prison populations, the parole grant rate decreased between 2020 and 2021. This stands in contrast with the actions taken by other jurisdictions to increasingly grant parole on an exceptional basis due to the pandemic.

The data compiled by the Justice Policy Institute reveals inconsistencies with a common-sense approach to criminal justice more generally. One striking statistic is that parole is less frequently granted with age. Only 28% of people over 60 are granted parole, whereas 43% of individuals between the ages of 31 and 35 are granted parole. 

The report highlights that “parole grant rates that decline with age run counter to everything we know about trends in criminal offending”. Overall, the data, as compiled in the report, suggests that the Maryland parole system is operating on the basis of “antiquated” rules, rather than best practices.

In response to identified issues, the report makes ten policy recommendations. The proposed changes include introducing a presumption that the goals of punishment have been met at the time of initial parole eligibility, introducing selective supervision measures, publicizing reasons for the denial of parole, and providing counseling to parole applicants.

"Only 28% of people over 60 are granted parole, whereas 43% of individuals between the ages of 31 and 35 are granted parole in Maryland."

The report argues that under the current standard, parole boards too often use their discretion to reevaluate the original sentencing decision, allowing the severity of the offense to preclude other possible considerations. The report argues that this practice leads to the incorporation of emotional and subjective ideals into the decision making process.

Instead of framing the conditions for release around the severity of the original offense, the Justice Policy Institute recommends that it would be better to make the decision of whether or not to grant parole on the basis of an individual’s present and future risk to the community. This would involve creating a presumption that the goals of the original sentence had been met. The effect of such a presumption would be that the Parole Commission would assume the goals had been met, unless there was evidence to the contrary. 

Another notable recommendation contained in the report is that supervision should be imposed selectively, namely relative to risk. The supervision imposed on someone granted parole should be the least restrictive measure of supervision necessary to meet the goals of re entry and public safety. 

This would mean that instead of applying a general supervision standard, the standard would be set according to an assessment of an individual’s risk to the community. This would involve, according to the Justice Policy Institute, the Parole Commission working in cooperation with other relevant bodies to develop a supervision strategy that has reentry as its main goal.

Another landmark change recommended in the report would be that, if the Parole Commission were to deny an application, they would have to publicize the reasons for doing so and allow for an appeal. This process is not adopted nationwide; only 24 states require that the individual be informed of reasons for denial, and only 23 states require that the information concerning the denial be made public. 

The Justice Policy Institute also recommends that individuals applying for parole be given access to counsel. This reflects the “complex and confusing” nature of the Maryland parole process more generally. Given the complexity of the process, the report advises that legal representation be provided in order to both increase transparency and legitimize the outcome of the decision. 

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